Dobama Asiayone Manifesto, 30 May 1930
Historical Text · 1930

Dobama Asiayone: Inventing A Shared Political Home?

An extract from the first public announcement of the Dobama Asiayone, issued on 30 May 1930, presented here in the original Burmese and English translation, followed by a contemporary critical reading.

Manifesto Extract

Dobama Asiayone · 30 May 1930 · Rangoon

မြန်မာမူရင်း

“ကိုင်း.. အချင်း တို့ဗမာတို့၊

“အသင်တို့ငါတို့အကျင့်ဆိုးကလေးဖြစ်သော ကိုယ့်အိမ်မှကိုယ့်အိမ်မှတ်ထားသော သေးသိမ်သည့်ညံ့ဖျင်းသည့်အကျင့်ဆိုးကလေးကို အစဉ်ဖျောက်ပြီး မြစ်ကြီးနားမှ ထားဝယ်အရောက်ဖြစ်သော ဗမာနိုင်ငံကြီးတခုလုံးကို တို့အိမ်ကြီးဖြစ်သည်ဟု မှတ်ကြပါကုန်။“

“အို .. ငါတိုနှင့်တမြေတည်းနေ တရေတည်းသောက် တစ်နိုင်ငံတည်ဘွားဖြစ်သော ဗမာကပြားအပေါင်း၊ အသင်တို့သည်ဗမာပြေဘွားများဖြစ်ကြသဖြင့် စင်စစ်မှာဗမာများပင်ဖြစ်ကြသည်မဟုတ်ပါလော။ အသင်တို့အမေ (သို့မဟုတ်အဖေ) အဘိုးအဖွားစသည်တို့မှာ ဗမာနိုင်ငံသား ဗမာပြည်ဘွား ဗမာပြည်သားများပင်မဟုတ်ကြပါလော။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါလျက်နှင့် အသင်တို့သည် အဘယ်ကြောင့် ဗမာများမဟုတ်လေယောင်လုပ်၍ နိုင်ငံခြားသားများကဲ့သို့ အသင်တို့ငါတို့တိုင်းပြည်၏အရေးကို လျစ်လျူရှုကြကာနေစိမ့်ကြပါသနည်း။

ယခုအခါတွင် နိုင်ငံရင်းသားဗမာများတန်ခိုးမရှိသေး။ အသင်တို့ကိုယ်ကိုအသင်တို့ ဗမာဟူ၍ မခေါ်ဆိုနိုင်ကြသေးသော်လည်း နောင်တနေ့သောအခါတွင် အသင်တို့သည် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့လဲဗမာပါဘဲဟု လူသိရှင်ကြားလိုသောခေတ် ရောက်၍လာပါလိမ့်မည်။ ဤအချက်မှာ အရှေ့အရပ်မှနေထွက်သကဲ့သို့ မလွဲသောအချက်ကြီးဖြစ်သည်ကိုလည်း ငါ့ရှင်တို့သတိမူကြပါကုန်။”

“ကိုင်း.. အသို့ဆိုမည်နည်း၊ ဗမာတိုင်းဘွား အသင်ကပြားတို့၊ အသင်တို့သည် အားဖြင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့လဲဗမာပါဘဲဟု ယခုပင်ဆိုလှဲ့ကြပါကုန်လော့။ အသင်တို့လည်း တို့နှင့်အတူစည်းလုံး၊ ယိုင်းပင်းဝိုင်းဝန်းကြပါကုန်လော့။ အသင်တို့ကိုယ်ကိုအသင်တို့ ဗမာဘဲသဘောထား၊ ဗမာနိုင်ငံကြီးနှင့်တကွ ဗမာအမျိုးသားအကုန် ကောင်းစားအောင်ကျင့်ဆောင်ကြမည်မဟုတ်ပါလော။“

တို့ဗမာအစည်းအရုံး
ခြံအမှတ် (၃၃)၊ ရေတာရှည်လမ်း၊ ဗဟန်း၊ ရန်ကုန်မြို့။
၁၉၃၀ ပြည့်နှစ်၊ မေလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ဝေသော တို့ဗမာအစည်းအရုံး၏ ကြေညာစာတမ်း။
English Translation

“Well then, fellow Burmans,

“Let us forever rid ourselves of that petty and degrading habit of ours, the habit of thinking only of one’s own house as one’s home. Let us regard the whole great country of Burma, stretching from Myitkyina to Dawei, as our common home.

“O you people of mixed Burmese descent who live upon the same soil as we do, drink the same water, and were born in the same country: since you were born in Burma, are you not, in truth, Burmese yourselves? Were not your mothers, or your fathers, your grandparents and ancestors, citizens of Burma, born and raised upon Burmese soil? If this is so, why should you behave as though you were not Burmese, and remain indifferent to the affairs of our country as though you were foreigners?

“At present, the native people of Burma do not yet possess power. You may not yet be able to call yourselves Burmese. A day will come when you will openly wish to be known as people who can say, ‘We too are Burmese.’ My friends, remember that this is as certain as the rising of the sun in the east.

“Well then, what shall it be, you people of mixed descent born in Burma? Declare, even now and with conviction, ‘We too are Burmese.’ Unite with us and lend us your support. Regard yourselves as Burmese, and work together for the well-being of Burma as a whole and of all its people.”

by Dobama Asiayone
No. 33, Yedashay Road, Bahan, Rangoon.
From the manifesto of the Dobama Asiayone issued on 30 May 1930.
Contemporary Reading

Inclusion and the Assimilative Problem

As the first public announcement of the Dobama Asiayone, this text carries the moral urgency of its time: building solidarity among people living under colonial rule. In that context, its appeal to regard the whole country as a shared home can resemble an early form of civic nationalism, attempting to create political belonging beyond locality and ancestry. At the same time, the passage is politically interesting precisely because its inclusive language carries an assimilative logic. Dobama effectively claims the authority to tell people of mixed descent that they are “in truth” Burmese, without any visible consultation with the communities being named or recognition of their own forms of self-identification. Birth within the territory, shared residence, and ancestry in Burma are treated almost automatically as evidence that one should belong to a Burmese national community. The word “Bamar” therefore moves ambiguously between ethnic Burman identity, territorial belonging, anti-colonial solidarity, and national identity, allowing a particular identity to become the vocabulary for everyone. The text sought a common political home against colonialism, while also revealing an enduring problem in Myanmar nationalism: others could be invited into that home without having an equal role in deciding its name, identity, or terms of belonging.

Analytical Caveat

The manifesto imagines an inclusive national community, but the terms of that inclusion are already defined by Dobama. Political belonging is extended outward from a Burmese centre rather than negotiated among differently self-identifying communities.

Historical text presented for critical and educational discussion.
Image description

Picture: Bagan era ink inscription from Phwar Saw Village, showing the word Marama Pyi (မြမ္မာပြည်), as a territory

The Nuance of Constructing “Bamar”


The history of “Bamar” (or Myanmar) cannot be reduced to the emergence of a fixed ethnic group or a territory with an unchanged name.


Premodern terms such as Mranma Pyay certainly existed as early as Bagan era, although their occurrence cannot simply be projected backward as evidence for the modern ethnic or institutional category “Bamar.” The linguistic relationship between Myanma and Bama adds another layer. Differences of literary, formal, or colloquial register do not by themselves prove that ethnic and civic meanings were interchangeable, and those questions need to be examined separately. A particularly clear political intervention appears in Dobama Asiayone itself. Thakins deliberately chose the word "Bama" over Myanmar and attempted to redefine as a term with wider associations so that it could denote all people originally living in British Burma. Their first 1930 announcement gives the attempt concrete form, calling on other people of mixed descent to identify themselves with the Burmese political community, while simultaneously criticizing those considered alienated from Burmese language and culture. This expansive usage existed alongside another historical process which is colonial censuses increasingly translated complex and changeable affiliations into enumerated “races,” often using language, descent, religion and administrative convenience to decide where people belonged. Postcolonial institutions hardened the stakes further. The 1982 Citizenship Law tied citizenship by birth to "taingyintha" status and explicitly named Burman alongside Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine and Shan, while leaving the state authority to determine which other groups qualified; the familiar 135-groups taxonomy became administratively and politically prominent around the 1980s and under the military regime after 1988. “Bamar” then, refers less to a fixed people than to the long process through which fluid names, self-identifications and political solidarities were repeatedly selected, expanded, enumerated and eventually given harder institutional boundaries. The same caution applies to labels such as Kachin, Shan, Mon or Rakhine. These too contain internally diverse histories and cannot simply be treated as timeless collective subjects standing outside the process of construction.